Thursday, June 30, 2011

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    • El Hacko
    March 20th, 2006, 07:47 PM
    Love the contrast..Lots of black...lots of white...no gray muddled tones...Crisp image.
    Nice shot Freddy
    Lc Approved But I-140 Not Filed 180 Days. Please Help [Archive] - Immigration Voice
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    • glus
    07-19 08:04 PM
    This is a forum for those who play by the rules, and don't brake the law. Remove this post as soon as possible.



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    • Macaca
    07-24 08:04 AM
    Reform, the FDR way (http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-shlaes23jul23,1,2603353.story) Democrats are right to revere Roosevelt, but even he knew when to reform his own reforms. By Amity Shlaes, AMITY SHLAES is the author of "The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression," a syndicated columnist for Bloomberg News and a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. July 23, 2007

    WHERE'S the fun? That's the feeling you get watching the Democrats in Washington this summer. Gone is the happy plan for a frenzy of lawmaking, the "Hundred Hours" of action Speaker Nancy Pelosi promised when the Democrats took the House. The speaker's artful allusion to Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Hundred Days" quickly became an ironic echo. During that first euphoric legislative period, Roosevelt managed to rescue the banking system from disaster, assist bankrupted farmers, rewrite the economics of agriculture and the rules for flailing businesses, bring back beer � you name it. Contemporary leaders can't even act on pressing issues such as agriculture and immigration, not to mention Social Security.

    Why can't politicians be Roosevelts today? For an answer, let's look to the middle of 1935, about two years into FDR's New Deal and the equivalent of about now in the election cycle. The federal government was still smaller than the nation's state and local governments combined. Two out of 10 men were unemployed. FDR took the economic emergency as a powerful mandate for further lawmaking. He jumped into the project with all the glee of a boy leaping into a sandbox. The papers reported that he was going to "blast out of committee" yet another round of bills, and blast he did � that year the country's premier labor law, the Wagner Act, was passed, as was Social Security.

    At about the same time, Roosevelt slapped together the Rural Electrification Administration, which came on top of the New Deal's large farm subsidies. For construction workers, artists and writers, he created � also in mid-1935 � the Works Progress Administration, which hired the unemployed, including artists, craftsmen and journalists. To appreciate the size of that gift, imagine a contemporary politician responding to a market crash by putting ex-employees of Google on the federal payroll. The president also built on to an already large structure, the Public Works Administration, which funded town halls, grammar schools and swimming pools in 3,000 counties. The money? Roosevelt passed a tax increase that opponents called the "soak the rich" act. It contained an estate tax rate hike that would make John Edwards drool. By 1936, the government took up more than 9% of gross domestic product. For the first peacetime year in U.S. history, Washington had edged past the state and local governments in size to become a larger part of the national economy. (Just a few years earlier, state and local governments had been twice as large as Washington.) FDR had reversed the old crucial ratio of federalism, and Washington has dominated the country ever since.

    Those early commitments set a trend of promises. Some of them became what we now call entitlements. Lyndon Johnson in the 1960s layered on governmental commitments with the Great Society. President Bush has heaped on more, with a new entitlement: prescription drugs for seniors. Only a narrow part of the federal budget remains for discretionary spending � the part left over for new ideas. And setting aside the question of whether an individual program is good, bad or simply in need of an overhaul, we've found as a country that old commitments are simply too hard to undo.

    This is partly because of the way the political game works. When you seek to take away a benefit from one targeted recipient, he will fight like crazy to keep it � think of the ferocious battles the farm lobby wages over even tiny reductions in agricultural subsidies. Those who gain from reducing the size of the handout, however, are members of the lobbyless general public who will receive only an incremental advantage, maybe the equivalent of a penny or two apiece. So the rest of us don't have the incentive or ability to apply countervailing pressure. Yet that's exactly what we need today: the energy and exhilaration of FDR in his first term.

    Today's timidity would have disturbed FDR, who had no trouble knocking down the sandcastles he had made. Early in the 1930s, he created 4 million jobs with the Civilian Works Administration, then uncreated them when he decided the CWA was too close to the English dole. When he tired of Harold Ickes' Public Works Administration, he scaled it back, and finally abolished it in 1941. As for Ickes' Department of the Interior, FDR decided that it was time to revise it into "a real Conservation Department" � a change many would welcome today.

    A few leaders since FDR have persuaded Congress to help them bring about changes on this scale � Ronald Reagan's bipartisan tax reform of 1986 and Bill Clinton's welfare reform a decade later come to mind. These presidents were truer to FDR's spirit than the hesitating Congress of today. Clearing some blank space for new institutions is possible. But lawmakers won't do it if they honor Rooseveltian edifices more than Roosevelt did himself.



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    • ramus
    06-25 12:58 PM
    Please please don't create new thred for every question you may have.. There is already one thred with June receipt.. you can post your question there.

    Also please contribute now if you haven't done so far..
    Thank you so much.



    Anyone who filed on 6/7/2007....still waiting for checks to be encashed?


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    • yaseen_ka
    02-22 03:23 PM
    Hi All,

    My wife is joining me on a H4. I plan to get her visa converted to H1 and my company is ready to sponsor her visa for conversion. Pls let me know if H4 to H1 visa is a tough thing. And also is there is last date we have to file the papers for this?? is it treated as a regular h1 quota or it lies outside of the quota and can it abe applied anytime??

    She has a 16 yrs degree and has work exp which qualifies her for visa.

    Thanks



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    • vinzak
    05-18 11:26 AM
    My friends received Green cards in 2007. They live abroad, but make regular trips tho the Us to visit family and maintain their GC.

    Unfortunaltely, they recently misplaced their green cards. They are planning a trip to the US this month, for which they have received travel letters from the US Embassy abroad.

    Would anyone know what the process is afterwords? We know they have to file I-90s to replace their lost GC. Does this have to be done at the port of entry? Or is it done at a local office on reaching their final US destination?

    Also, will they be called for a biometric appointment locally or can that be done at a Port of Entry. Can the biometric be done at a location abroad?

    If anyone has any info on this, it'd be truly appreciated.


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    • Blog Feeds
    05-17 12:50 PM
    Years of congressional inaction and paralysis on immigration reform have created an untenable situation that, depending on which �side of the fence� one sits on the Arizona immigration law debate, has either forced the Arizona legislature to take necessary action or permitted overzealous lawmakers to trump federal authority. And while a constitutional challenge of the law will most likely result in its demise, the immigration debate will not abate until such time that a bi-partisan comprehensive immigration reform bill is passed by Congress. In the interim, one can only conjecture what effect the Arizona law will have on legal immigrants...

    More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/h1bvisablog/2010/04/arizonas-new-immigration-law-the-proof-will-be-in-its-enforcement.html)



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    • BPforGC
    07-24 02:20 PM
    Self-petition
    I-140 April 2007
    I-485 July 2007
    India
    All Pending.:mad:


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    • dallasman
    03-06 05:37 AM
    I am F-1 Student at a community college. At the same time, I am teaching at the college that I go to, since I have a Master's Degree....as I am allowed to work on campus 20 hours. The school is not willing to file H1b for me. But if there is another short cut....they might help me with that. Is there any way of receiving Green Card without going through the H1b?

    Please Please help me.........



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    • continuedProgress
    11-30 08:18 PM
    My wife is on F1 and has applied for AP.
    We have been waiting forever for AP(nothing new, right?).
    Since her F1 is invalidated for the purpose of re-entry, can she apply for H4? and use that for re-entry?
    If you have done this change to H4 recently, I will very much appreciate your reply.

    Thanks!
    A


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    • Blog Feeds
    06-08 05:23 AM
    While South Africa is a key destination for many tourists and foreigners, many South Africans who visit foreign countries come back to their home country with the hopes of their current or future foreign spouses (husbands or wives) or foreign life-partners (partners in a permanent relationship) residing with them in their beautiful home country.What is a South African Spousal PermitAll

    More... (http://lawsandorders.blogspot.com/2009/06/information-and-tips-on-south-african.html)



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    • Macaca
    11-13 08:06 PM
    GOP tacks right after Democratic gains (http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1107/6829.html) By Martin Kady II | Politico, Nov 12, 2007

    Republicans may trail in the polls on virtually every issue, but conservative influence is surging in both chambers of Congress as the GOP tries to find its soul again.

    It�s a risky strategy to tack to the right while Democrats have momentum in most polls, but Republicans clearly believe that they need to recapture their base before they recapture the majority.

    When Republicans ran Congress, hardened fiscal conservatives often had a lone voice-in-the-wilderness feel about them.

    Whether it was Sen. Tom Coburn (R-Okla.) filibustering on earmarks or Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas) making a late-night speech about runaway government spending, the conservative caucus had a sympathetic ear from GOP leaders yet rarely prevailed on strategy or party message.

    But now that they�ve been thrust into the minority, the conservative agitators have a front-row seat with Republican leaders, and the number of lawmakers who describe themselves as conservatives continues to grow while moderates appear to be a dying breed among Republicans on Capitol Hill.

    In the House, the conservative Republican Study Committee has led the caucus in promising to sustain vetoes of children�s health care legislation and spending bills.

    In the Senate, the conservative Republican Steering Committee, led by Sen. Jim DeMint (R-S.C.), is now being invited to weekly Republican leadership meetings on appropriations, a departure from tradition.

    The top members of the Senate steering committee also had an exclusive meeting recently with President Bush, who himself is trying to launch a sort of renaissance of fiscal conservatism by vetoing popular spending bills.

    The Republican Study Committee now has 104 members, up 50 percent in the past five years.

    And 12 of the 15 Republican freshman lawmakers joined the group this year, a clear sign that the small rookie class of Republicans still believes in a conservative future, even while its party struggles nationally.

    In contrast, the moderate Republican Main Street Partnership has seen its membership decline 20 percent, from 59 lawmakers in the last Congress to 47 this year.

    And seven of those moderates are retiring, further diminishing the power of the middle.

    �We don�t need to be shy about what we believe in,� DeMint said in an interview. �We�re starting to act as Republicans around core principles, whether it�s SCHIP or earmarks.�

    Democrats are happy to see the Republicans taking a sharp right turn, believing it makes winning independents in 2008 that much easier.

    �Republicans can�t try to make fiscal responsibility their mantle when they are responsible for turning record surpluses into record deficits,� said Sarah Feinberg, spokeswoman for the House Democratic Caucus.

    �They can�t whine about earmarks when earmarks exploded under their leadership and Democrats have cut them in half and brought accountability to the earmark process.�

    The renewed influence by conservatives in the House and Senate Republican caucuses appears to be disconnected from recent poll results.

    According to a Washington Post/ABC News poll released Nov. 4, Americans favor Democrats in handling the economy, 50 percent to 35 percent, and on taxes, 46 percent to 40 percent, showing that Democrats have gained an edge on fiscal issues usually dominated by Republicans.

    Independents are also disgruntled. In a Fox News/Opinion Dynamics poll last month, 63 percent of independents disapproved of the president�s performance.

    Some Republican congressional aides privately admit that the energized push for conservative issues amounts to a �minority strategy� in which the party must reclaim its identity after being thrown out of power on Capitol Hill before making a serious run at regaining the majority.

    �The far right is not going to bring the Republican Party back to power,� said Charlie Bass, president of the Main Street Republican Partnership and a former GOP House member from New Hampshire.

    �The districts that were lost were moderate districts. The far right is big on bluster but short on results.�

    Congressional Republican leaders, meanwhile, have been coordinating their efforts with some of the leading minds of the party, including pollsters Frank Luntz and David Winston, and Pat Toomey, president of the conservative Club for Growth.

    Republican aides say they�ve also had strategy meetings with former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.).

    At its core, this is an effort to re-energize a party demoralized after last year�s elections.

    �We need to do a better job of communicating our core beliefs,� said Danny Diaz, a spokesman for the Republican National Committee. �We had strayed from the core beliefs that got us the majority.�

    Still, the strategy of flexing conservative credentials at the expense of the middle carries great risk.

    �The image of the party message being dictated by a small group of doctrinaire senators is not something that people at the top of the ticket are going to want,� said Ross K. Baker, a political science professor and congressional expert at Rutgers University.

    �This [strategy] springs up when a party is in the minority and prospects are bleak, so it�s unsurprising they�re having a reawakening.�

    Indeed, Republicans are finding it easier to create a unified front on spending, immigration and national security as the minority party because they don�t have to legislate, don�t control the congressional schedule and are outnumbered at virtually every turn.

    �There were times in the majority when conservatives disagreed with leadership, but there have been very few of those times this year,� said Hensarling, chairman of the Republican Study Committee.

    �There�s nothing like getting hit over the head with a two-by-four to get someone�s attention. The American people thought Republicans weren�t acting like Republicans.�

    To be sure, conservatives have always had significant influence within the Republican leadership in both chambers.

    But when it came time to cut deals on spending or to craft bipartisan legislation, they often felt like they were cut out of the process.

    Many Republicans still regret the arm twisting on their side of the aisle that led them to vote in favor of the Medicare prescription drug benefit in 2003, creating one of the biggest entitlement programs of all time.

    Now Republicans are getting their sea legs as a minority party on Capitol Hill, and their rabble-rousers serve a useful purpose in opposing the Democratic majority, especially on spending bills.

    Democrats have little chance to override any of the president�s threatened vetoes of appropriations measures, thanks in large part to Republican unity on the issue.

    �These fights on spending are important for us to re-establish our credentials,� said House Minority Whip Roy Blunt (R-Mo.). �The Democrats have made it easy for us to engage in that fight.�

    Democrats have indeed been frustrated in both chambers by Republican procedural maneuvers, but they believe voters will see this as obstructionism.

    �It became evident months ago that the only play left in their playbook was to attack Democrats on taxing and spending,� said Jim Manley, a spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.).

    �They needed to shore up what�s left of their base. President Bush and Republicans have engaged in a hypocritical series of attacks on spending issues. The president only recently rediscovered the veto.�


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    • immig4me
    01-07 10:17 AM
    A friend of mine (Indian) is married to an Indonesian. Both are on H1B and have approved I-140s. Can my friend apply for a cross chargeability? Does it have to happen when my friends spouse's pd becomes current? or can it be done earlier?



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    • Jipjap74
    04-23 10:17 AM
    My online case status changed to the following information "On April 22, 2010, we ordered production of your new card. Please allow 30 days for your card to be mailed to you. If we need something from you we will contact you. If you move before you receive the card, call customer service at 1-800-375-5283". I am applying for my family and I but my 3 year old sons update is RFE??? I havent received the letter yet but I was wondering if anyone else found themselves in this situation and if so what was the outcome?


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    • jamesingham
    08-16 03:14 PM
    Does anyone have any information about the number of applications that were recieved by USCIS till now ?

    I didnt apply for 485 Bcoz, I am not married. So lil curious when my next chance will come



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    • sabbygirl99
    07-23 09:16 PM
    Your company's HR/legal should be able to give you an answer on how to reply to the NOF. I think they just have to show that they need you in the location that they put on application. Just make sure that EVERYTHING on applciation pertains to that same location - i.e market wage rates etc etc. If for some reason they do not have experience in these matters, try and get a hold of that NOF and go see a real lawyer. And word to the wise - be prepared to pay a little for the advice that you get. You always pay for what you get- so don't go to some 2-bit lawyer who will charge you $100 for answering questions when you can pay $200-$250 for someone who will give you worthy advice.


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    • hemya
    02-28 11:14 AM
    Is your I140 approved?



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    • virat
    08-02 11:57 AM
    Hi,

    I got an LUD on my I140 on 07/28/07. There is no message change though. This I-140 was approved way back in Aug 2006. I have filed my I-485 etc on June 1st 07, and its in process. Does anyone know what doesn this LUD mean.

    Thanks



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    • paddu_es
    01-31 12:29 AM
    I have my H1B visa with NIIT. My petition and visa for the first 3 yr period expire in October 2008. I am returning to India in April '08 to do my MBA, and will resign from NIIT, and therefore will not be able to renew my visa.

    If I want to work in the US after I graduate, say in August '09, can an employer file a transfer petition based on this visa? Or Will they have to file for a new one under the quota? And if so, is there a way that I can hang on to my H1 status?

    Thanks!



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    Macaca
    11-13 10:19 AM
    The Can't-Win Democratic Congress (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/11/12/AR2007111201418.html) By E. J. Dionne Jr. | Washington Post, November 13, 2007

    Democrats in Congress are discovering what it's like to live in the worst of all possible worlds. They are condemned for selling out to President Bush and condemned for failing to make compromises aimed at getting things done.

    Democrats complain that this is unfair, and, in some sense, it is. But who said that politics was fair?

    Over the short run, Democratic congressional leaders can count on little support from their party's presidential candidates, particularly Barack Obama and John Edwards. Both have decided their best way of going after front-runner Hillary Clinton-- who has been in Washington since her husband's election as president in 1992 -- is to criticize politics as usual.

    At this weekend's Democratic fundraising dinner in Des Moines, Obama and Edwards not only attacked Bush fiercely but also issued broadsides against the larger status quo.

    When Obama assailed "the same old Washington textbook campaigns" and declared that he was "sick and tired of Democrats thinking that the only way to look tough on national security is by talking and acting and voting like George Bush Republicans," he was aiming at Clinton. But Obama was echoing what many in his party have been saying about their congressional leadership.

    And when Edwards said that "Washington is awash with corporate money, with lobbyists who pass it out, with politicians who ask for it," he was criticizing a system in which his own party is implicated.

    It makes sense for Democratic presidential candidates to distance themselves from the party's Washington wing. A poll released last week by the Pew Research Center found that 54 percent of Americans disapprove of the performance of Democratic congressional leaders, an increase in dissatisfaction of 18 points since February. Among Democrats, disapproval of their own leaders rose from 16 percent in February to 35 percent now; in the same period, disapproval among independents rose from 41 percent to 56 percent.

    Democrats in Congress say that their achievements of a minimum-wage increase, lobbying reform, improvements in the student loan program and last week's override of Bush's veto of a $23 billion water-projects bill are being overlooked -- and that Bush and his congressional allies have systematically blocked even bipartisan efforts to produce further results.

    For example: The increases in financing for the State Children's Health Insurance Program passed after Democrats made a slew of concessions to Republicans to win broad GOP support. But in the House, Democrats were short of the votes needed to override the president's veto, so the proposal languishes.

    Rep. David Obey (D-Wis.), chairman of the Appropriations Committee, notes that he has bargained productively with Republicans and that his budget bills have secured dozens of their votes. But the president seems intent on a budget confrontation.

    In a letter to Bush on Saturday, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid tried to underscore the president's role in the stalemate by calling for a "dialogue" to settle budget differences that "have never been so great that we cannot reach agreement on a spending plan that meets the needs of the American people."

    They went on: "Key to this dialogue, however, is some willingness on your part to actually find common ground. Thus far, we have seen only a hard line drawn and a demand that we send only legislation that reflects your cuts to critical priorities of the American people."

    Pelosi and Reid have a point, and they want Bush to get the blame for a budget impasse. But Bush seems to have decided that if he can't raise his own dismal approval ratings, he will drag the Democrats down with him. So far, that is what's happening.

    Yet the budget is just one of the Democrats' problems. Their own partisans are furious that they have not been able to force a change in Bush's Iraq policy. In the Pew survey, 47 percent said the Democrats had not gone "far enough" in challenging Bush on Iraq. Many in the rank and file are also angry that the Democratic-led Senate let through the nomination of Michael Mukasey as attorney general even though he declined to classify waterboarding as a form of torture.

    Congressional Democrats are caught between two contradictory desires. One part of the electorate wants them to be practical dealmakers, another wants them to live up to the standard Obama set in the peroration of his Iowa speech when he praised those who "stood up . . . when it was risky, stood up when it was hard, stood up when it wasn't popular." Is there a handbook somewhere on how to be a courageous dealmaker? Pelosi and Reid would love to read it.


    ’08 clock ticks for Congress (http://thehill.com/leading-the-news/08-clock-ticks-for-congress-2007-11-13.html) By Manu Raju | The Hill, November 13, 2007


    Anti-War Voters Lash Out at Democrats They Helped Put in Office (http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=washingtonstory&sid=a9lDtrJGGVyg) By Nicholas Johnston | Bloomberg, November 13, 2007


    Posted by Alyson at 10:41 AM

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